A FEW MORE SNIPPETS

OF IRISH HISTORY

 

David came to Australia in the wake of one of the best known wars in Irish history, 1798, but it was only one of many.  After Eire was taken over by the Norman English the main Byrnes clan (the Bran or O'Byrne clan to which we almost certainly are not affiliated) took to the mountains just beyond the Pale and fought the English off and on for four hundred years, with their close allies the O'Toole clan.  They were the last clan to be crushed and the end of the Byrnes clan was the end of the clan system.   There are half a dozen sounds-like-Burns clan names in Irish history, all with separate and unconnected derivations, as well as the people of similar sounding name coming across from Scotland at various times.

The first know inhabitants in Ireland go back 7000-8000 years (not far by Australian aboriginal standards of prehistoric studies).  The first celtic culture people arrived 500-700 BC and Vikings were later prominent raiders and settlers, up till around 900 AD.  The Norman takeover began in the tenth century.   After the crushing of the Byrnes clan about 1600 the English gained complete control of the whole island.

Of various wars of independence launched by nationalists attempting to re-take Ireland from the English that of 1922 resulted in the formation of an Irish Republic whereas earlier ones were crushed with but little political gain for the native Irish nationalists, such as the 1798 uprising by a coalition of Catholic and Presbyterian forces termed the United Irishmen.  The 1798 general uprising was also preceeded by Catholic uprising in the west of the country.

The United Irishmen or Irish political exiles were likely unwelcome in the eyes of the administration of the penal colony.  They were a defeated class of person and certainly not honoured in any way in British society.  However the Irish government in recent years did launch a series of commemorative events that honoured those who died during the war of 1798.  It is estimated about 100,000 middle-class townspeople and peasants throughout Ireland rose up against the English and anglicised-Irish rule.  

At that time, 1798, only the minority (10%) who professed the Protestant faith had any political rights and Britain had transferred control over more than 90% of the land to the descendants of English settlers.   Probably more than 30,000 people died during the four months duration of the uprising.

The 1798 uprising was unusual in the joining together of Protestants, mainly Presbyterians, and Catholics against the English.   Previously there had been many wars between the Catholics and Protestants in Ireland.  Many of the Protestants had been "planted" into Ireland.  The migration of non-Catholic Scots to Ulster occurred mainly during the 17th and 18th centuries.

The first major influx of Scots into Ulster came during the settlement of east Down, which was led by two Ayrshire lairds. This started in May 1606 and was followed in 1610 by the arrival of many more Scots as part of the Plantation of Ulster.

In the severe fighting or warfare that broke out in 1641, the more native or older Irish (Catholics by religion) attempted to expel the English and Scottish settlers.

This resulted in great inter-communal violence that has lasted down to recent times.  Somewhere between 10,000 and 20,000 of the new settlers and an undetermined number of Irish died over the 10 years of war.

The Scottish population in Ulster was further augmented during the subsequent Irish parallel to the English Confederate Wars, when a Scottish Coventer army was landed in Ulster province to protect the settlers from Irish Catholic forces. After the war was over, many of the soldiers settled permanently in Ulster.

Another major influx of Scots into northern Ireland happened in the 1690s when tens of thousands of people fled a famine in Scotland and went to Ulster.  Also in the 1690s, the Scottish population of Ulster fought another war against the Irish Catholics - known as the Williamite war in Island.   The Williamites comprised the 'Orange' order and the native Irish adopted Green, a colour raised again in the general uprising of 1798.

The Williamite victories at Derry, the river Boyne and at Aughrim are still comemorated today by the Orange order.

With each influx of Scottish settlers, more of the Catholic Irish (along with Catholics of Scots descent) were dispossessed and forced onto the very poor lands.

After this point in history, the settlers and their descendants, the majority of whom were Presbyterian in religion, became the majority in the northern province (Ulster).

However, along with Catholics the Presbyterians were also being legally disadvantaged by the "Penal laws" which gave full rights only to Anglicans.  Anglicans were mainly the descendants of English settlers.

For such reasons, up until the 19th century, and despite their common fear of the dispossessed Catholics, there developed considerable disharmony between the Presbyterians and the Anglicans.

Not surprisingly in 1798 many Ulster-Scots joined the United Irishmen and participated in uprising of 1798 after the United Irish society had been outlawed.

Northern Ireland today possibly still well maintains the dialect of the Ulster Scots which is believed to sound thus:  "Norlin Airlann is ane o fower pairts o the Unitit Kinrick.  It is seetuate on the island o Ireland, whaur it haes a laund mairch wi the Republic o Ireland.  It wis foondit by the Govrenment o Ireland Act, 1920. ... wi' aboot a saxt o the hale area o the island, an haes 1,685,000 indwallers - atween a quarter an a thrid o the island's hail population. ... There's nae langer an offeecial naitional anthem.  At maist events requirin a Northren Irish naitional anthem, God Sauf The Queen is played. At the Commonwealth Gemmes the auld anthem o Northren Ireland is played, alang side the Ulster Banner (abuin), A Londonderry Air, aiblins better kent ootwi Northren Ireland as the tuin o Danny Boy, is uised."

Prom the time of the Anglo-Norman invasion and conquest of Ireland in the late twelfth century, the Wicklow Mountains provided a refuge for dispossessed Gaelic Irish Chieftains and their families. In pre-Norman times the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles were settled around West Wicklow and Kildare. They lost their lands, however, to the Anglo-Normans from the 1170s on, and most of them moved eastwards into the mountains. The upland areas around the valleys of Glendalough and Glenmalure became the homelands of the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles as they watched colonists from England, Wales and further afield establish new settlements in their former lands.

The process of conquest and colonisation was never completed in the Middle Ages. At its peak, the area of English control in Ireland may have extended over three-quarters of the country. Vast areas of Ulster remained unconquered and autonomous Gaelic areas also existed in other parts of the country, including the Wicklow mountains. This area had special significance throughout the Middle Ages. Its proximity to Dublin meant that, from here, the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles could intimidate and attack the colonies right to the very centre of English administration in Ireland.

From the late thirteenth century, the Gaelic Resurgence began the process of pushing back the colonies to such an extent that, by the fifteenth century, the Pale was established.

The Pale was an attempt to consolidate an area of English control in Ireland which could be defended from attacks by the hostile Gaelic Irish.

At its southern end, the Pale stopped in the foothills of the Dublin mountains. Beyond here lay the country of the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles, whom many English armies during the Middle Ages had failed to subdue. The Gaelic language and way of life predominated in this area less than a day's ride from the very heart of the Pale at Dublin.

By the sixteenth century, when Feagh McHugh O'Byrne lived and died, the English attitude to the Irish had become progressively harsher.  Before long the Irish would be forbidden to:

* Receive any education

* Enter a profession

* Hold any public office

   - Exclusion of Catholics from most public offices after 1607,

   - Presbyterians were also barred from public office from 1707.

* Engage in any trade or commerce

* Enlist in the army or navy

* Live in a corporate town, or within five miles of one

* Own a horse of more than five hands (a pony)

* Purchase land

* Lease land

* Vote (Disenfranchising Act 1728)

* Own a gun, neither pistol or rifle

* Be a guardian of a child

* Receive anything from a Protestant

* Exercise the Catholic religion

   - and Catholics banned from intermarriage with Protestants

 

This lengthy suppression of most of the freedoms of the majority of the Irish people perhaps explains the popular idea of a strong love of Freedom and willingness to struggle for it as part of the "Irish character".

 

The history of the laws is complex, and at some periods they were not so harsh as at other times.  At times when the Catholic religion could be practiced the Catholic churches were only allowed to be impermanent; constructed of wood, not stone, and they were to be placed away from main roads.

These exclusions from just about everything for the non-anglicised Irish (also from time to time known as the 'wild Irish' or the 'mere Irish' or 'native Irish') were known as the penal laws.  This refers to a series of laws imposed under British rule that sought to discriminate against Catholics  and Protestant non-Conformists (those not conforming to the Anglican Church - most of the Scots in northern Ireland being Presbyterian).  Another term for the non-conformists was Dissenters.  The Anglican Church, known as the Church of Ireland in Ireland, recognised the English monarchy as its spiritual head.  In Ireland, restrictive laws from the late 1500s coincided with the determined effort to bring all of Ireland under English control.  

The Penal Laws had a pronounced effect over two centuries, disenfranchising in 1728 the richer part of the majority of the Irish population, who were Catholics as well as most Scottish settlers, who were Presbyterian in favour of persons who belonged to the much smaller official Church of Ireland - initially mostly composed of English settlers.

By 1641 Catholic land ownership had fallen to 60% but this rapidly worsened throughout Ireland.  By 1776 in the lead up to the relatively widespread uprisings of 1796-98 the Catholic land ownership in Ireland had been reduced to a mere 5%; the majority of the Irish people having by then been dispossed of the land.

The penal laws were penal in the sense of punitive.  They punished the overwhelming majority of the "mere Irish" (this term deriving from the Latin 'merus', meaning 'pure'). There was no law forbidding Catholics from converting to the state religion, but few chose to do so.  There was however a ban on converting from Protestantism to Catholicism.  In Cromwellian time Catholic clergy were expelled from the country and liable to instant execution where found.

Although the latter years of the reign of Henry VIII (King of England, 1509-47 and of Ireland, 1540-47) saw some attempt to bring Ireland under control through other measures and a policy of greater conciliation, a very different policy was pursued under Elizabeth 1.  Queen of England and Ireland for almost half a century (1558-1603), Elizabeth's reign was marked by an aggressive and sustained attempt to complete the conquest of Ireland. Military conquest and colonisation, partly inspired by the Reformation, provoked widespread rebellion amongst both the Anglo-Irish and the Gaelic Irish. Attitudes hardened, sometimes along Catholic/Protestant religious lines, sometimes along racial lines. On the English side, writers like the poet Edmund Spenser and the experienced soldier Barnaby Rich wrote extensive works on Ireland, attacking Gaelic Irish society, its customs and its culture. The backwardness of Gaelic Ireland and the "uncivilised" nature of its inhabitants explained the need for the aggressive military policy of conquest. 

On the Gaelic Irish side, some, such as the senior branch of the O'Byrnes, effectively submitted to the English crown rather than face the consequences of resistance. Others, such as the O'Byrnes of Gabhal Raghnall, the junior branch of the O'Byrnes to whom Feagh McHugh belonged, chose to resist. It was in these circumstances that the Gabhal Raghnall chiefs, Hugh McShane, Feagh McHugh, and Phelim, rose from relative obscurity during the closing decades of the sixteenth century.

The territory of Gabhal Raghnall stretched from the Rathdrum-Glenmalure area to the Carlow border near Shillelagh. From the time of Feagh's father, Hugh McShane, the O'Byrnes of Gabhal Raghnall were generous patrons of the bardic poets. The numerous poems which were written for Hugh, Feagh and Phelim O'Byrne were collected and published under the title "Leabhar Branach: The Book of the O'Byrnes" in 1944. It is apparent from numerous references in the poems that the main residence of these chieftains was at Ballinacor. This is confirmed by English sources, Sir Nicholas White, for example, in 1584 describing Feagh's residence as being "at the mouth of the Glynn [i.e. Glenmalure]".

In Ballinacor townland, on the south-western bank of the Avonbeg River near Greenan, the remains of three enclosures survived in 1838. "Baile na Corra", as the name appears in the Leabhar Branach, means "the townland of the slope". In the first 6-inch map of the area (surveyed 1838), all three enclosures are located within a short distance of each other on the gentle slopes of Ballinacor mountain. The site commands fine views up the valley and overlooks the bridge at Greenan. The road coming down into Greenan from Rathdrum, on the opposite side of the valley, can also be seen. The site is significant strategically as it controls the mouth of Glenmalure valley, the main access route from Rathdrum and the river valley at Greenan, which did have a bridge in Feagh McHugh's time. Although the distinguished Co. Wicklow historian, Liam Price, did not analyse this site in detail, it is interesting that he mentioned the traditional location of the O'Byrne settlement as being somewhere in the immediate neighbourhood of Ballinacor House. The entrance to the House is, in fact, only about a quarter-mile from the site of the enclosures, between them and the Avonbeg River.

Only two of these structures now survive, the third having been removed between 1838 and 1909. The two surviving structures have ramparts of earth with stones loosely mixed in. Their height varies, but is around 1 m in most places. The easternmost of these enclosures appears to be circular but some sections of the bank are almost straight. There are three openings in the bank, the widest of which, on the north-west, appears to be an entrance. The enclosed area is about 35 m wide. The westernmost enclosure is somewhat larger, but is badly overgrown with trees and bushes. Two breaks are discernible in its banks. This enclosure, and the one which has disappeared, are circular and typical of the raths or ringforts which were built in Ireland from pre-historic times.

The Annals of the Four Masters describe a raid on Ballinacor in January 1595 by the Lord Deputy and his men with the following words:

... before they had passed through the gate of the rampart that surrounded it, the sound of a drum was accidentally heard from the soldiers who were into the castle (baile). Feagh with his people took the alarm, and he rose up suddenly and sent a party of his people, men, boys and women, out through the postern doors, and he followed them and conveyed them all in safety to the wilds and recesses where he considered them secure.

Ballinacor had been burned before by one of Lord Grey's men, Sir William Stanley, the year after Feagh's famous victory over him in the Battle of Glenmalure (1580). MacAirt, the editor of the Leabhar Branach, thought that one of the poems on Ballinacor could have been written after this burning. As Ballinacor was reoccupied by Feagh after this, and as he was not finally expelled from there until 1595, the poem may, in fact, be later." it not only confirms that Feagh's Ballinacor was a rath type settlement, but also suggests that there were a number of raths, each fulfilling a different function. The poet laments the desolation of:

One of the enclosures that survives at Ballinacor may, however, have been a rath of Feagh's settlement reconstructed by the Lord Deputy Russell after Feagh's flight from Ballinacor in January 1595. Between 5 February and 22 February, Russell "caused to be made a verie strong ffortification in Bayliennecorre [Ballinacor] which is the Chieff House of Feagh make Hews." Arms and provisions were sent to Ballinacor via the port of Arklow. Russell cleared passes at Drurnkitt and Kilcommon` and, on 21 February 1595, the Earl of Ormond came to view the fort. On 24 February, Russell left for Dublin, but an English garrison was left at Ballinacor. Having held the site for almost a year and a half, they lost it again "by the treachery of a sergeant" to Feagh McHugh who "raised the fort to the ground. It is some indication of the significance of Ballinacor, renamed "Mount Russell"," to the English that the sergeant and two soldiers were executed "for treachery in yielding up the fort ." Russell fortified the church at Rathdrum and eventually built another new fortification there.

Throughout the Middle Ages, successive English armies had encountered great difficulties in attempting to defeat the "wild Irish" of the mountains around Glenmalure. Right up to Feagh McHugh's time, the landscape itself played a vital role in defeating the English. No more graphic evidence of this can be found than Sir William Stanley's description, written just after the defeat of Lord Grey by Feagh in August 1580. "The place," wrote Stanley of Glenmalure, "was such, soe very ill that were a man never so slightlie hurte he was loste, because no man was hable to helpe him up the hill; some died being so out of breath that they were hable to goe noe further being not hurte at all.""

Russell succeeded in defeating and killing Feagh McHugh O'Byrne (in May 1597) only after a long campaign which involved moving garrisons inland from Wicklow and Arklow to the refortified castles at Kilcommon and Castlekevin; clearing the passes at Drurnkitt and Kilcommon; reconstructing Ballinacor itself after its capture in 1595 and, after losing it again, building new fortifications at Rathdrum.

The O'Byrnes of Gabhal Raghnaill maintained, in their mountainous refuge, a Gaelic way of life which had long since passed away in other parts of Ireland. Under the impact of a sustained military and cultural conquest, living in a rath settlement could also be a symbol of political and cultural identity. Indeed Ballinacor in the time of Phelim, the son of Feagh, was compared by one poet in the Leabhar Branach to Earnhain Macha, the ancient seat and ceremonial centre of the Ulster kings. Both Feagh and his son Phelim were allied with the O'Neills and O'Donnells of Ulster and played significant roles in the Gaelic resistance to the Elizabethan conquest.

In addition to the MacKeoghs of Pallis in North Wexford, hereditary bards of the O'Byrnes,` poets from Munster, Ulster and other parts of Ireland contributed to the Leabhar Branach. Indeed Mac Airt has pointed to the special affection which the O'Byrnes had for "the passing guest". He suggests that the relatively high number of wandering poets who visited Ballinacor did so because the O'Byrnes were one of the few families at this time who could make such visits worthwhile for the poets. "By their success in maintaining the independence and integrity of their mountainous territory against great odds until the final collapse, they were in a position to attract poets of repute from distant" parts of Ireland.

The importance of raids on enemy settlements is also a feature of the poems. One claims that the "tributes" taken by Feagh from his enemies were so great that there was no lack of gold for decorating swords. Raiding enemy settlements and the extortion of "black rents" certainly played a significant role in both the military strategies and economies of Gaelic Irish communities. Huts called both,' teach tathaimh or teach fionnabhraidh" were constructed as temporary sleeping huts used before dawn raids. In thickly wooded country, raiding would be difficult.

The O'Byrnes attacked the English incessantly.  In November 1596, after Feagh McHugh O'Byrne broke negotiations with the Crown by going into open rebellion, Russell "appointed Feagh McHugh's pledges, one of them being his base son, to be executed, with one other of his followers." Russell's journal also shows that the well-known practice of cattle-raiding, a central element in Irish warfare since the Iron Age of The Tain, was not uniquely confined to the Gaelic Irish in the sixteenth century. Numerous instances of cattle-raids carried out by Russell's men are recorded in his journal.

Ballinacor is praised as a "hunting haven" and Rose, Feagh's wife, portrayed as engaged in the delicate craft of embroidering "silken hounds" and "a golden stag" in Feagh's dunaire.   Feagh had Spaniards amongst his men. Throughout his time, the Spanish played an enormous role as allies of the Gaelic Irish against the English, down to the catastrophic defeat of the combined Irish and Spanish forces at Kinsale in 1601.

Even music could signify both beauty and political persecution. One "household poem" on Feagh's Ballinacor describes a gathering of young men and women, people from all parts of Ireland at a "court of communal drinking" and "a king's son without gloom or lack of enthusiasm distributing wealth for the cry of [harp] strings."

Harpists were the musicians who held the highest status in pre-Norman Irish society. Their importance continued into Early Modem times, when they frequently accompanied the recitations of poets.

The harp playing, the bagpipes, and other Irish entertainments were banned by the English as part of general suppression of Irish culture, under the Statutes of Kilkenny (1366).   Harpers and pipers could be executed under English law.  Bards and musicians were seen as spies or fomentors of rebellion.  The Lord Deputy complained that Feagh McHugh O'Byrne and Rory Og O'More led raids into the Pale headed by pipers.

In both the Leabhar Branach and the English records of Feagh McHugh O'Byrne there is evidence of hatred and distrust, ruthless killing, terror and fury. As early as 1571, eight years before he succeeded his father as chief of the O'Byrnes of Gabhal Raghnaill, Feagh was noted by Lord Deputy Fitzwilliarn as ,'very dangerous and garlus’.

Feagh's victory over Grey at Glenmalure in 1580 inspired Irishmen to go into open rebellion against the English. His adherence to the cause of allies such as O'Neill, O'Donnell and O'More led to a long military campaign by the English in Wicklow from 1595 to 1597.

On the day that Feagh was killed at Glenmalure, 8 May 1597, Russell's journal recorded: "Early in the morning our foot enterted the Glynnes and fell into that quarter where Feagh McHugh lay; and coming several ways on him, it pleased God to deliver him into our hands, being so hardly followed as that he was out of breath, and forced to take to a cave, where one Milborne, sergeant to Captain Lee, first lighted on him, and the fury of our soldiers was so great as he could not be brought away alive; thereupon the said sergeant cut off Feagh's head with his own sword and presented his head to my Lord [Russell] which with his carcass was brought to Dublin, to the great comfort and joy of all that province.  Many of his followers were slain and 200 cows were taken with much pillage."

The English of the Pale rejoiced at the killing of Mc Hugh O'Byrne with "universal joy".

Two men who were present in Dublin at the time who did not share in the apparent "universal joy" the Chief Justiciary of Ireland, Sir William Russell and his merry men imagined was all around, were Domhnall Mac Eochada and Aonghus O'Dalaigh.  Both these poets viewed Feagh's quartered corpse when it was exhibited in Dublin and each wrote a lament for Feagh, whose head had already been dispatched to Queen Elizabeth's court before they wrote. 

The O'Byrnes were not as yet entirely defeated though.  Feagh's son, Phelim, continued to resist the English in alliance with certain northern chiefs. On 29 May 1599, he defeated a royal force under Sir Henry Harrington between Rathdrum and Wicklow. Gaelic Irish control over Gabhal Raghnaill, however, was rapidly crumbling.  Finally Phelim surrendered or pledged English Crown allegiance in 1606 Phelim in return for English recognition to his family title over whatever lands they still controlled.  Grants to these lands were issued under English law.   However, Phelim was later tried and condemned on false charges in 1628 and the lands confiscated to the Crown.

Gaelic resistance to the English at Glenmalure was at its peak in Feagh's time.  Phelim's domain (dunaire) as record in the Byrne's heroic poems book (Leabhar Branach) does not contain the broader nationalist ideology of some of poems relating to Feagh's time.  It merely portrays a Gaelic lord trying to come to terms with conquest without losing self-respect and the family fortunes.

Gaelic society collapsed fully after the defeat of the Byrne's, at the final battle at Kinsale, four years after the death of Feagh.  This spelled an end of the national resistance to an English conquest which began in the twelfth century and was not finished until 1601. 

With the defeat of the last resisting clan, the Byrnes, Ireland was totally conquered.  It was not the final end though for Irish nationalists.  There would be further uprisings, notably the one of 1798, and ultimately the English rule would be expelled from most of Ireland.  In 1793 the widely unpopular Militia Act removed the ban on Catholics holding firearms but this was only in order to allow for their conscription into the militia (as common soldiers, not admitted into the officer ranks).

The Rebellion of 1798 (Éirí Amach 1798 in Irish), lasted several months. The United Irishmen, influenced by the ideas of the American and French revolutions, were the main organizing force behind the uprising.  The Society of the United Irishmen was formed in 1791.  The organisation crossed the religious divide with membership of Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, Methodists and and other "Dissenters".

The Society openly put forward its policies of democratic reforms and Catholic emancipation.

The Society linked up with Catholic agrarian resistance in western Ireland, known as the Defenders, after the unpopular Militia Act of 1793.   The Society was outlawed and forced underground and thereafter decided upon a revolutionary course, and to "break the connection with England".  The organisation spread throughout Ireland and gained at least 100,000 members by 1797.

What little we know of David Byrnes is that somebody attached a Dublin trial date to his name, suggesting he'd been trialled as a suspected United Irishman.  If there is any truth in this it may mean he was informed upon, as Ireland at the time was full of informers being paid by the English or pro-English ruling powers.  Information preserved from informers was initially stored as "top secret" but has now been opened to researchers.  His wife (Mrs Byrnes/Burns, other names unknown) implored the Lord Lieutenant to set him free and attested that he was a very loyal Irishman and loved such illustrious noblemen as the family of the Lord Lieutenant which she ever prayed would rule Ireland for ever more.  The Lord Lieutenant however was probably not impressed, and likely as not never read the plea for David's freedom, and he was instead shipped off to New South Wales on a vessel bearing many United Irishmen.    

The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland at the this time was Charles Cornwallis, 1st Marquess Cornwallis, who had earlier in his career been attacked in America by a combined French-American force and had surrendered to George Washington .... leading to England's inevitable loss of its American colonies.  Cornwallis was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in June 1798, just before the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion.  The key role in quashing the rebellion however was played more by the Chief Secretary for Ireland, who was Lord Castlereagh, Robert Stewart, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry.

It seems rather curious if David Byrnes was involved in all this and was exiled from it but died on the other side of the world at such still-similar named places, being buried at Castlereagh which is just a little south of Londonderry, west of Sydney.

Even if David Byrnes was never a United Irishman, many Byrne's of the O'Byrne clan were:

 

KNOWN UNITED IRISHMEN IN WICKLOW:

Surname

First Name

Nickname/Remarks

Native Place

Byrne

Andrew

Clonerkin

Byrne

Andrew

Not Given

Byrne

Andrew

Seven Churches

Byrne

Anthony

Cornaun

Byrne

Bartle

Not Given

Byrne

Bernard

Not Given

Byrne

Charles

Ballyrogan

Byrne

Christopher

Glenmalure

Byrne

Christopher

Not Given

Byrne

Cornelius

Ballynagran

Byrne

Daniel

Not Given

Byrne

Darby

Ballancrally

Byrne

Denis

Moorspark

Byrne

Denis

Not Given

Byrne

Denis

Scartna

Byrne

Edward

Ballygunnon

Byrne

Edward

Derrybawn

Byrne

Edward

Monalern

Byrne

Edward

Rathdrum

Byrne

Edward

Stranahely

Byrne

Edward

Ned

Ballymanus

Byrne

Garret

Ballyrassagh

Byrne

Garret

Not Given

Byrne

Garret

Brother of Ned & William

Ballymanus

Byrne

Garret

Vesty

Ballinacullen

Byrne

Hugh Vesty

Brother of Hugh

Kirikee

Byrne

Hugh

The Brander

Baltinglass

Byrne

Jack

Not Given

Byrne

James

Ballinderry

Byrne

James

Ballymanus

Byrne

James

Coolmana

Byrne

James

Dunlavin

Byrne

James

Not Given

Byrne

James

Rathdrum

Byrne

James

Stranahely

Byrne

John Kittagh

Son of Owen Kittagh

Bonavalley

Byrne

John

Aghole

Byrne

John

Arklow

Byrne

John

Ballihooke

Byrne

John

Ballinteskin

Byrne

John

Blackrock Aughavannagh

Byrne

John

Camera

Byrne

John

Cronroe

Byrne

John

Kilbride

Byrne

John

Moneystown

Byrne

John

Rathdrum

Byrne

John

Redcross

Byrne

John

Seven Churches

Byrne

John

Threemilewater

Byrne

John

Brother of Christopher

Glenmalure

Byrne

John

Paddock

Derrybawn

Byrne

Laurence

Ballymanus

Byrne

Laurence

Baltinglass

Byrne

Laurence

Gow

Imaal

Byrne

Loughlin

Wicklow Town

Byrne

Luke

Not Given

Byrne

Martin

Aughavannagh

Byrne

Martin

Brother of Andrew

Clonerkin

Byrne

Mathew

Blackbull

Byrne

Mathew

Brother of Owen Kittagh

Not Given

Byrne

Michael

Not Given

Byrne

Michael

Not Given

Byrne

Michael

Not Given

Byrne

Michael

Stranahely

Byrne

Michael

Upper Ballynockan

Byrne

Michael

Brother of John

Threemilewater

Byrne

Michael

Padeen

Not Given

Byrne

Miles

Not Given

Byrne

Murtough

Aughrim

Byrne

Myles

Not Given

Byrne

Ned

The Jockey

Stranahely

Byrne

Nicholas

Rathdrum

Byrne

Not given

Knocknamagohill

Byrne

Not given

Knocknamagohill

Byrne

Not given

Rathdrum

Byrne

Not given

Tinahely

Byrne

Owen

Ballinacor

Byrne

Owen

Imaal

Byrne

Owen

Kittagh

Bonavalley

Byrne

Owen

The Comber

Not Given

Byrne

Patrick

Kilmacoo

Byrne

Patrick

Not Given

Byrne

Patrick

Not Given

Byrne

Patrick

Son of Bartle

Not Given

Byrne

Peter

Ballynockan

Byrne

Phelim

Bachelor

Not Given

Byrne

Philip

Rathdown

Byrne

Richard

Glenmalure

Byrne

Richard

Dick

Glenealy

Byrne

Ted

Castletown

Byrne

Terence

Blackbull

Byrne

Terence

Kittagh

Bonavalley

Byrne

Thomas

Not Given

Byrne

Walter

Killoughter

Byrne

William Michael

Parkhill Glen of the Downs

Byrne

William

Ballymanus

Gow

Larry

Byrne

Imaal

O'Byrne

Anthony

Donard

 

As stated elsewhere, the family of David Byrnes was more likely Presbyterian and not of the O'Byrne clan.